Blaming White Racism thumbnail

Blaming White Racism

By Jason D. Hill

The killing of Tyre Nichols is a horrific continuation of American black-on-black crime.

Many commenters on the Left have situated the arrest of Tyre Nichols—the black man who was evidently beaten to death by five Memphis police officers, also black—as a racial issue. White supremacy, they say, does not require the presence of white people to effect its ugliness, because black people—especially those working in a structurally racist institution such as policing—internalize the racist attitudes of whites. There is, according to these pundits, a close parallel between the Nichols case and other abuse cases involving white cops and black victims, because many blacks absorb racist views about blacks and enact them against their own race as enforcers of white supremacy.

It makes more sense to interpret the beatings that resulted in this young man’s death as another case of black-on-black crime. Those five black police officers constituted a gang of thugs which unleashed its viciousness against an innocent victim. This is the trauma many blacks in inner cities suffer every day from the gang members who prey on their neighborhoods.

Blacks targeting other blacks for murder is the most systemic form of racial profiling that exists in the U.S. today. Black-on-black crime is a national security disaster and risk. It betrays a deep current of black self-hatred that expresses itself in homicidal rage turned largely against black people.

According to the U.S. Department of Justice, the offending rate for blacks (the number of blacks who commit homicide as a percentage of the population) was almost eight times higher than that for whites, and the victim rate six times higher. Most homicides were intraracial, with 84 percent of white victims killed by whites, and 93 percent of black victims killed by blacks.

Racial profiling of blacks by other blacks is systemic and pervasive in the black community. One hears it in the music where the black gang lifestyle, murders, sexploitation, explicit and graphic sexual depictions of blacks, drugs, and violence are routinely celebrated and consumed in the black community. There is, as far as I can tell, no other aesthetic analogue in any other culture—not where members of a race or ethnicity celebrate and encourage each other to murder their own kind, hyper-sexualize each other, and sell, steal, and consume drugs; not where a lifestyle predicated on the degradation of one’s in-group is a constitutive feature of the culture.

During an appearance on Meet the Press on Sunday, January 29, 2023, Ohio Congressman Jim Jordan lamented the beating death of Nichols at the hands of the five Memphis police officers. Speaking with host Chuck Todd, the Republican legislator stated, “I don’t know that there’s any law that can stop that evil that we saw,” before adding, “but no amount of training’s going to change what we saw in that video.”

Jordan has been criticized for being offensive and insensitive in saying that. But perhaps he has a point. Evil cannot be legislated away. It can be punished when it violates the rights of others, but the brokenness and the evil that those officers carry within themselves are rooted deeply. They maliciously executed a beating they knew could kill a slightly built man. No law, at least not in a free society, can uproot the aesthetic debauchery or the moral and spiritual bankruptcy of the black community in the United States.

It is not the case, of course, that black American culture has to be this way, nor that it always has been this way. This cultural indigence derives largely from the way that leftists have resolutely made excuses for the worst outcomes for African Americans, insisting that all of it was a result of and reaction to white racism. Everything good and wholesome about black life—the sense of mutual aid, bettering one’s station, and the importance of family and marriage—was denigrated as a kind of false consciousness. Brutish misery was promoted as black authenticity.

Perhaps Jim Jordan was speaking elliptically, for he knew that if he spoke openly he might be rebuked and censured. Yes, of course there are good black police officers who have emerged from a broken and bankrupt culture; one cannot steep oneself too deeply in stereotypes. But stereotypes hold some degree of truth to them. The gang that killed Tyre Nichols derives from a bereft culture, a culture where blacks seem to be represented everywhere, where white supremacy penetrates every sphere of public and private life. But laser focused attention needs to be aimed at a parallel society existing concurrently in the USA.

When we speak of black American culture today, we are talking about a culture that is broken, bereft of values, moral heft, and sustained leadership. It is self-destructing. It is a thug culture that contributes little of any intellectual, aesthetic, or moral value to the world at large. The gang of five police officers who killed Tyre Nichols are the most eloquent manifestation of its ethos.

When asked what comes to mind when we think of black culture in America today, many of us would rather not say, because the answers are stark, dark, and devoid of much we would care to pass on to future generations. So we should not be surprised that thugs dressed in uniforms are no different than the ones with their pants hanging low below their waists who roam the streets terrorizing innocent citizens.

Congressman Jordan is correct. There might not be any laws to eradicate the evil depicted in the video showcasing the killing of Tyre Nichols. There are, however, radical solutions that can be entertained; solutions our society may rather not be ready to consider and implement. They might ask us to ponder the question of who gets let into the future, and who remains outside the realm of admission into civilized society.

*****
This article was published by The American Mind and is reproduced with permission.

TAKE ACTION

There is an important runoff election for the Phoenix City Council District 6 on March 14. Conservative Sal DiCiccio (R) is term limited and will be replaced by the winner of this race. The two candidates are Republican Sam Stone and Democrat Kevin Robinson. If you live in District 6 (check here), you either received a mail-in ballot or you must vote in person (see below).

This is a very important race that will determine the balance of power on the City Council. Phoenix, like many large cities in conservative states, has tended blue with the consequences many cites suffer from with progressive governance. Have you noticed the growing homeless problem in our city?

Conservative Sam Stone is the strong choice of The Prickly Pear and we urge our readers in District 6 to mail your ballots in immediately and cast your vote for Sam Stone. Learn about Sam Stone here. Sal DiCiccio’s excellent leadership and term-limited departure from the Phoenix City Council must not be replaced by one more Democrat on the Council (Democrat Robinson endorsed by leftist Mayor Gallego). Sam Stone is a superb candidate who will bring truthful and conservative leadership to the Phoenix City Council at a time when the future of Phoenix hangs in the balance between the great history of this high quality, desert city we can live in and are proud of or the progressive ills of Los Angeles and San Francisco.

Mail-in ballots were sent to registered voters in District 6 on the February 15th. Mail your ballot no later than March 7th – it must be received by the city no later than March 14th to be counted. If you are not on the Permanent Early Voting List you must cast your ballot in person.

In-person balloting at voting centers will occur on three days in mid-March:

  • Saturday, March 11: 10 a.m. to 4 p.m.
  • Monday, March 13: 9 a.m. to 6 p.m.
  • Tuesday, March 14: 6 a.m. to 7 p.m

In-person voting can be done at the following locations:

  1. Sunnyslope Community Center, 802 E. Vogel Ave.
  2. Bethany Bible Church, 6060 N. Seventh Ave.
  3. Devonshire Senior Center, 2802 E. Devonshire Ave.
  4. Memorial Presbyterian Church, 4141 E. Thomas Road
  5. Burton Barr Central Library, 1221 N. Central Ave.
  6. Eastlake Park Community Center, 1549 E. Jefferson St.
  7. Broadway Heritage Neighborhood Res. Ctr., 2405 E. Broadway Road
  8. South Mountain Community Center, 212 E. Alta Vista Road
  9. Cesar Chavez Library, 3635 W. Baseline Road
  10. Pecos Community Center, 17010 S. 48th St.

You can also vote in person at City Hall through March 10th on the 15th floor. City Hall is at 200 W. Washington St.

‘Contagious’ Energy at Arizona March for Life 2023 thumbnail

‘Contagious’ Energy at Arizona March for Life 2023

By Catherine Salgado

“The energy and the joy is contagious.” The Arizona March for Life happened on Feb. 23 starting at the State Capitol in Phoenix, Arizona. I attended the rally before the march, which drew a large crowd, and thousands participated in the march. While the mood was optimistic due to the 2022 overturn of Roe v. Wade, Arizona’s new Democrat pro-abortion governor Katie Hobbs is an ominous opponent to future pro-life legislation and current pro-life laws in Arizona.

Several of the speakers vowed that Arizona’s legislature would continue to stand for life, however. Arizona House Speaker Ben Toma, with multiple state congressmen gathered behind him, said that Democrats want to change Arizona law to allow abortion right up to birth. “But that will not happen on my watch,” he said. “As a legislator, and the speaker of the Arizona House behind me, I will always fight to protect the good laws that we have passed in this state to safeguard the sanctity of life.” He emphasized, “The rights of the unborn must be protected…our convictions are unbreakable.”

Senate President Warren Petersen indicated that until God is at the center of Americans’ lives again, unborn babies are at risk. “We need to bring God back into our lives,” he said. He thanked God for helping ensure that Roe would be overturned, and said that the number one reason he and many fellow legislators are Republican is because of the pro-life issue. “Republicans believe in the sanctity of life.” He added that the Founding Fathers “had it figured out,” highlighting the right to life in the Declaration of Independence, meaning America was founded on the principle of the sanctity of life.

Arizona Life Coalition’s Lori Zee Gray said she was referred to an abortion clinic by Planned Parenthood when she became pregnant at age 17, and that the abortion damaged her heart and soul, so she now helps pregnant women explore options. Another woman who helps pregnant girls explore options, Lynn Dyer, was given a “pro-life hero” award by Ashley Trussell of Arizona Life Coalition. Trussell said Dyer stopped eating chocolate in 1973 as a sacrifice to stop abortion, and has been praying and counseling women daily outside abortion clinics for decades, convincing several women to change their minds and to give life to their babies every week. She also helped a Planned Parenthood employee of 17 years become pro-life.

President of the national March for Life Jeanne Mancini found the mood of the gathered crowd inspiring. “The energy and the joy is contagious, so my heart is very light and it’s beautiful to see Arizona come together,” she said.

The teen winner of the Arizona Life Coalition’s student essay contest also spoke, and emphasized that our culture is suffering from what the late Pope Benedict XVI called the “dictatorship of relativism,” where nothing is morally definitive and everything is relative. Once a single exception is made against the sanctity of life, the downhill trend is inevitable. Until Americans value truth more than ego and personal desires, abortion will continue to be accepted by many Arizonans and Americans.

But that’s why so many speakers and Phoenix Bishop John Dolan emphasized the need for God at the rally–because, as George Washington once observed, “Let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.” The overturn of Roe is progress for the pro-life cause, but until God is again widely recognized as America’s king, the battle for the lives of unborn babies will continue.

TAKE ACTION

There is an important runoff election for the Phoenix City Council District 6 on March 14. Conservative Sal DiCiccio (R) is term limited and will be replaced by the winner of this race. The two candidates are Republican Sam Stone and Democrat Kevin Robinson. If you live in District 6 (check here), you either received a mail-in ballot or you must vote in person (see below).

This is a very important race that will determine the balance of power on the City Council. Phoenix, like many large cities in conservative states, has tended blue with the consequences many cites suffer from with progressive governance. Have you noticed the growing homeless problem in our city?

Conservative Sam Stone is the strong choice of The Prickly Pear and we urge our readers in District 6 to mail your ballots in immediately and cast your vote for Sam Stone. Learn about Sam Stone here. Sal DiCiccio’s excellent leadership and term-limited departure from the Phoenix City Council must not be replaced by one more Democrat on the Council (Democrat Robinson endorsed by leftist Mayor Gallego). Sam Stone is a superb candidate who will bring truthful and conservative leadership to the Phoenix City Council at a time when the future of Phoenix hangs in the balance between the great history of this high quality, desert city we can live in and are proud of or the progressive ills of Los Angeles and San Francisco.

Mail-in ballots were sent to registered voters in District 6 on the February 15th. Mail your ballot no later than March 7th – it must be received by the city no later than March 14th to be counted. If you are not on the Permanent Early Voting List you must cast your ballot in person.

In-person balloting at voting centers will occur on three days in mid-March:

  • Saturday, March 11: 10 a.m. to 4 p.m.
  • Monday, March 13: 9 a.m. to 6 p.m.
  • Tuesday, March 14: 6 a.m. to 7 p.m

In-person voting can be done at the following locations:

  1. Sunnyslope Community Center, 802 E. Vogel Ave.
  2. Bethany Bible Church, 6060 N. Seventh Ave.
  3. Devonshire Senior Center, 2802 E. Devonshire Ave.
  4. Memorial Presbyterian Church, 4141 E. Thomas Road
  5. Burton Barr Central Library, 1221 N. Central Ave.
  6. Eastlake Park Community Center, 1549 E. Jefferson St.
  7. Broadway Heritage Neighborhood Res. Ctr., 2405 E. Broadway Road
  8. South Mountain Community Center, 212 E. Alta Vista Road
  9. Cesar Chavez Library, 3635 W. Baseline Road
  10. Pecos Community Center, 17010 S. 48th St.

You can also vote in person at City Hall through March 10th on the 15th floor. City Hall is at 200 W. Washington St.

When it Comes to Destroying Gun Rights, George Soros Plays the Long Game thumbnail

When it Comes to Destroying Gun Rights, George Soros Plays the Long Game

By Lee Williams

Former New York City mayor Michael Bloomberg and Open Society Foundation’s George Soros may appear to have similar goals. They have each spent massive amounts of their personal fortunes in pursuit of their political objectives through networks of shadowy cutouts, foundations and nonprofits. Both champion big government and abhor personal freedoms – especially gun rights – but it is their methods that separate their madness.

Bloomberg funds a half-dozen Astroturf (they’re certainly not grassroots as he claims) anti-gun groups, which focus primarily on policy and legislative issues. If pro-gun legislation appears anywhere in the country, Bloomberg will dispatch his red-shirted Demanding Moms to snuff it out. Their activism is overt, well publicized by the legacy media and somewhat episodic. There’s a sense of immediacy to Bloomberg’s efforts.

Soros, by comparison, seeks to influence society as a whole. He wants to control what people think by modifying their behavior. He’s a woke globalist and not much interested in local issues. While Bloomberg seeks to control the media narrative, Soros actually controls the media.

If Bloomberg’s efforts can be viewed as tactical, Soros’ are strategic, and at the age of 92, he’s pumped enough money into his gun-control empire to ensure it will continue long after he’s gone.

‘Most generous giver’

Born György Schwartz in pre-World War II Hungary, Soros was educated in England, emigrated to the United States and opened his first hedge fund in 1969. A year later he opened his second, Soros Fund Management.

Today, his personal wealth is estimated at nearly $26 billion, and he has donated more than $32 billion to his Open Society Foundations and other left-wing causes, which led Forbes Magazine to call him the “most generous giver.”

The Open Society Foundations, or OSF, consist of 20 smaller foundations, has branches in 37 countries and operates in more than 120 countries. It is financially capable of continuing its founder’s efforts into perpetuity. Soros’ son, Alexander Soros, currently chairs OSF’s board of directors.

In 2000, OSF’s Center on Crime, Communities & Culture and the Funders’ Collaborative for Gun Violence Prevention, released “Gun Control in the United States,” which is one of the most radical gun-control documents ever produced.

The researchers who prepared the document found differences, of course, between state gun laws. Obviously, states such as California and New York had far stricter gun laws than Louisiana or Florida.

“The most striking results of this survey are (a) the lack of uniformity in firearm regulation across the country; (b) the enormous differential between the top and bottom of the spectrum; and (c) the poor scores achieved by most states. 42 states fall below minimum standards for public safety, since they lack basic gun laws such as licensing and registration. The lowest ranking states have almost no firearm regulation of their own; instead they rely entirely on the federal government’s NICS background check at point-of-sale by licensed dealers,” the document states.

The researchers believe all state gun laws should be the same, and they called on the federal government to remedy this “problem” by forcing the freer states to conform with the more restrictive ones.

“All states should move toward consistent regulatory frameworks based on licensing of firearm owners and registration of guns,” the researchers wrote. “States should implement basic anti-trafficking measures, in particular one-gun-a-month laws.”

In addition, the report calls for bans of “assault weapons” and “Saturday Night Specials,” mandatory waiting periods, registration of all guns, permits to purchase firearms and more.

The report quickly became the template for all of Soros’ gun-control efforts.

Media control

In January, MRC Business, which is part of the Media Research Center, revealed that from 2016-2020 Soros gave more than $131 million to various media groups, some of which include NPR, ProPublica, Free Press, Project Syndicate and the Poynter Institute – a Tampa-based media thinktank which, I should disclose, spent at least some of the money on a hit piece about me.

Soros understands something American conservatives have never fully grasped: media outlets are essential to influencing people,” the MRC authors wrote. “The media influence that Soros bought was enough to insulate him from being seriously investigated by most journalists.”

Soros certainly got what he paid for. ProPublica’s archives are chock-full of anti-gun stories and NPR has even more.

Through his OSF, Soros also offers two types of lucrative media fellowships – one designed for new reporters and the second for “more experienced individuals with a proven record of achievement and expertise.” The beginner fellowship offers a grant of $100,000. The second comes with a staggering $140,000. In addition to the fellowships, OSF offers all-expenses-paid bootcamps for young reporters. While Soros’ sponsorship of these bootcamps is somewhat hidden, his attempt to indoctrinate the young journalists is not.

None of the media outlets ever mentioned Soros’ generosity, and they never probed his finances or his multiple foundations. Nearly all of the coverage of Soros or his businesses has been glowing. The legacy media has never once bitten the hand that feeds them.

‘Soros-backed DA’

Last June, after a mass shooting on Philadelphia’s South Street left three dead and 11 wounded, Soros-financed Philadelphia District Attorney Larry Krasner blamed the National Rifle Association.

“The terrible crimes last night on South Street tell our Pennsylvania legislators it’s time for real action,” Krasner wrote in a social media post. “Boycott NRA lobbyists, boycott NRA donations, and bring real common sense gun regulation to Pennsylvania. Now.”

Of course Krasner never mentioned how his failure to aggressively prosecute gang members, gun crimes or repeat offenders who commit gun crimes had led to a record number of homicides in the City of Brotherly Love.

Krasner is certainly not the first Soros-funded prosecutor to do their benefactor’s bidding in front of the TV cameras. In fact, the list is long.

St. Louis Circuit Attorney Kimberly Gardner, another Soros-backed prosecutor, was elected after promising to “reform” the criminal justice system, which was code for allowing crimes to go unpunished – unless they involved a defensive gun use.

Gardner went gangbusters after Mark and Patricia McCloskey, who famously stood their ground while protestors invaded their gated community.

Gardner described their actions as a “violent assault,” and filed felony weapon charges, despite Missouri’s Castle Doctrine, which says a homeowner has “the absolute unmitigated right to protect his or her castle or family while on their property.”

Ultimately, the McCloskeys pleaded guilty to misdemeanors and both were pardoned by Gov. Mike Parson. However, Gardner’s relentless hounding of the couple forced even a few liberal commenters to question her motivations, but they’re not difficult to find. Gardner’s election was financed by a super PAC, to which Soros donated $30,000.

Perhaps the most infamous Soros-backed DA, Los Angeles County Prosecutor George Gascón, tried to strongarm American Express, Visa and Mastercard into prohibiting their customers from purchasing homemade firearm kits.

“Our purpose in writing to you today is not to recruit you in a legal debate on the merits of these legal cases or the enforceability of these laws. … [T]here is a difference between what may or may not be technically legal and possible and what is most assuredly wrong. It is to your company’s sense of right and wrong to which we now appeal,” Gascón wrote, according to a news story by the NRA.

While Gascón was busy writing letters, Los Angeles slid further into the crime cesspool. Gascón barely survived a recall effort, which sought to replace him with a prosecutor who would actually enforce the law.

In a column published last year by The Wall Street Journal, Soros wrote that he funds progressive prosecutors because they promote safety and justice and are “popular and effective.”

Chaos theory

It cannot be argued that Soros-funded prosecutors have allowed crime to surge in their jurisdictions, which creates the very same “gun violence” the Soros-funded media love to cover, and the Soros-funded gun-control groups can then exploit and use in their messaging.

Whether this three-pronged cycle is purposeful or coincidental is open to debate, but Soros certainly controls members of all three groups. It’s a type of vertical syndication never seen before – and one with deadly consequences.

Soros’ woke progressive socialism leaves blood and bodies in its wake. Normally, this would draw the attention of prosecutors and/or the media, but in this case, they’re paid participants, and as fellow woke progressive socialists it fits their narrative.

Compared to Soros, Bloomberg and his Demanding Moms are nothing but an irritant. Soros, his woke prosecutors and the lapdog media he bought and paid for, combined with the anti-gun groups he endowed for decades, pose the more significant threat to our civil rights, and it’s one that will not end anytime soon.

*****
This article was published by Second Amendment Foundation and is reproduced with permission.

The Abolition of School Discipline thumbnail

The Abolition of School Discipline

By Daniel Buck

You don’t quickly forget the sound of a child gagging as another child clutches him in a chokehold. As a middle-school teacher, I turned the corner in the hallway one day and found a child with his arms wrapped around the neck of a refugee student — a population that was frequently the target of bullying. The perpetrator had instigated several incidents before, and he was involved in several more thereafter.

At another school where I taught, we had fights at least weekly. On one occasion, as students spilled into my classroom, a boy asked me why we had so many. He said he was embarrassed to attend the school.

Such stories are not outliers. According to reporting by the Wall Street Journal, misbehavior, office referrals, and violence spiked this past year in schools and districts across the country. The Washington Post has found a similar pattern. Individual districts reported a marked rise in such behavior. In my own conversations, teachers said their behavior rosters were the only evidence they needed of worsening conduct; some told me their schools hit referral records by mid-year.

Theories regarding causes of this increase are legion: social media, months of online schooling, riots in the streets, larger societal trends of family and institutional breakdown, and plenty more. Assigning portions of blame would hardly be constructive, but it is crucial to focus on one clear driver of the problem — the trend away from punitive discipline in schools — because it is of recent vintage and within school officials’ control.

Alternatives to standard, punitive discipline, while glittering ideals in the abstract, are a resounding failure in practice. It’s a story that parallels the rise and fall of “broken windows” policing in society more generally — an analogue through which we can understand the causes and consequences of the abolition of school discipline.

BROKEN SCHOOL WINDOWS

In the 1980s, the Atlantic ran a famous essay titled “Broken Windows” by George Kelling and James Q. Wilson, which outlined a new form of policing. The article was based on a 1969 experiment by Stanford psychologist Philip Zimbardo, who parked two cars — one in an affluent neighborhood and one in a poor neighborhood — and observed what happened. Residents in the former neighborhood ignored the first car, while residents of the latter quickly vandalized the second one.

Not content with this simple experiment, Zimbardo did something unorthodox: He smashed the window of the car in the affluent neighborhood. Lo and behold, passersby soon vandalized this formerly untouched car. Zimbardo’s conclusion was simple: Broken windows, untidy streets, and a general sense of disorder signal to everyone in the vicinity that this is the kind of place where no one cares enough to enforce the rules. Low-level disorder thus fosters further chaos and criminality.

As violent crime spiked in the 1980s, broken-windows policing — inspired by Zimbardo’s experiment — became a popular response. Police spent as much energy shooing along loiterers, keeping an eye on bus stops, and listening for small quarrels between shop owners and customers as they did targeting violent criminals. Cities from New York to Los Angeles implemented the tactic.

The following decade witnessed dramatic drops in crime across the board: Aggravated assault and larceny fell 24% and 23%, respectively, while homicides, rapes, robberies, and burglaries each plummeted around 40%. In New York City, crime dropped at twice the rate of the national average. Though the claim is not without controversy, there is evidence that the broken-windows strategy contributed to these declines……

*****

Continue reading this article at National Affairs.

Democratic Rep Suggests Traditional Families Are ‘Un-American’ thumbnail

Democratic Rep Suggests Traditional Families Are ‘Un-American’

By Laurel Duggan

Democratic South Dakota state Rep. Erin Healy suggested that idealizing the traditional two-parent married household is “dangerous” and “un-American” in a Monday tweet.

Healy was rebuking Family Heritage Alliance’s claim that a home with a married mother and father was the safest place for a child. Critics came to the group’s defense, with some pointing to data supporting the claim that married biological parents are the safest adults for children to live with.

“Extremist group Family Heritage Alliance said this morning that the safest place for kids are in families that have a married mom and dad. What a dangerous and un-American belief,” Healy wrote. It’s unclear what specific comments Healy was referring to, as her office and Family Heritage Alliance did not respond to the Daily Caller News Foundation’s requests for comment.

Children living with their married biological parents experience the lowest rates of maltreatment, according to a 2010 study by the Department of Health and Human Services. Children whose single parent had a live-in partner saw more than 10 times the rate of abuse and nearly eight times the rate of neglect compared to children living with their married biological parents.

Further, children whose single parents had a live-in partner saw the highest rates of physical and sexual abuse compared to children in other living situations, according to the study; 15.4 out of 1,000 of this group experienced physical abuse and 12.1 of 1,000 experienced sexual abuse, compared to 2.5 and 0.7 out of 1,000 respectively for children with married biological parents.

“Actually, when it comes to abuse, the safest place for kids is an intact, biological married family. See, e.g., this federal report on child abuse and neglect,” Brad Wilcox, director of the University of Virginia’s National Marriage Project, wrote.

*****
This article was published by The Daily Caller and is reproduced with permission.

The 1519 Project: An Antidote to Caricature? thumbnail

The 1519 Project: An Antidote to Caricature?

By Paul Schwennesen

Predictably, and with more than average fanfare, The New York Times’s headline-grabbing The 1619 Project is coming to the small screen. Hulu has released a six-part docuseries on the controversial historical revision, which purports to demonstrate the racist foundations of the American Project. Brainchild of Nikole Hannah-Jones and Dean Baquet, this new “origin” myth has become something of a political hot-potato in the culture wars.

Though it’s not likely to go very far, I’d like to toss another potato into the fire and point out that slavery was well-established in North America at least one hundred years before the alleged “beginning” of the American slavery story. Complete with the myriad complexities, contradictions and paradoxes of real life, the Spanish Americas (including much of what is today the United States) were awash in slavery. Slavery between Indians. Enslavement of Indians by Spaniards. Enslavement of Spaniards by Indians. And yes, tragically, enslavement of blacks, ladinos, Moors, and every distinction between. It was messy, it was endemic, and it was very real—but it was certainly not confined exclusively to Blacks, nor to early Americans in Virginia. Perhaps this deeper, more complex history might be called the 1519 Project.

The 1619 Project’s film trailer claims that the “very first enslaved Africans were brought here over four hundred years ago.” This is not only inaccurate (it was well over five hundred years at least), but it promotes the very sort of historical amnesia it professes to redress by entirely ignoring the much-earlier history of slavery in America.

“Since then,” it goes on, “no part of America’s story has been untouched by the legacy of slavery.” This is true in the narrowest sense, but it studiously misses the larger point: no part of the history of the entire world has been untouched by the legacy of slavery. The 1619 Project makes only glancing reference to sixteenth-century American slavery, and instead seeks to make a special case of colonial English slavery, with a specific political aim to impugn “capitalism” and the “hypocrisy” of revolutionary founding ideals. By carefully ignoring the larger context of slavery in the Americas, it engages in weaponized, cherry-picked history that supports its own motivated ends, amongst which are special race-based preferences and “$13 trillion in reparations.”

Phil Magness and others have already done yeoman’s work in documenting the numerous historical inaccuracies and outright fabrications of the The 1619 Project (and, charitably, what the project gets right), so I won’t rehash except to say that, as a historical product the Project is, shall we say, questionable. But setting that aside, the biggest tragedy of all is that The 1619 Project’s tunnel-vision ignores so much rich history: remarkable people, troubling facts, and brutal truths that cut across all manner of ethnic and geographical boundaries.

It ignores, for instance, the astonishing story of Esteban de Dorantes, the Black Moroccan slave who was shipwrecked in 1527 on the coast of Florida and helped three survivors (out of some 600) walk across most of what is now North America (Florida to Arizona and thence to Mexico City), enduring years of serial enslavement by coastal Indians along the way.

It overlooks “Madalena,” the Tocobaga native who was swept up by conquistadors, sent to Cuba, traveled to Spain and ultimately returned to her people in an epic saga of enslavement, resilience, and redemption.

It discounts black slaves who escaped into what is now North Carolina (in 1539!) to marry and live with the Indian women of Xuala, and the curious reactions of their Spanish owners, who were surprised, “because they were regarded as good Christians and friends of their master.”

It sidesteps the endemic slavery of North America where Spaniards found:

[M]any Indians native to other provinces who were held in slavery. As a safeguard against their running away, [their captors] disabled them in one foot, cutting the nerves above the instep where the foot joins the leg, or just above the heel. They held them in this perpetual and inhuman bondage in the interior of the country, away from the frontiers, making use of them to cultivate the soil, and in other servile employments.

It neglects the experiences of Spaniards like Juan Ortiz and Álvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, who were captured and taken as slaves, enduring treatment “more cruel than [that] of a Moorish master.”

And so on. Starting America’s slavery story arbitrarily at 1619 abandons to obscurity these equally important chapters of a collective tale. A 1519 Project, however, adds complexity that counters popular conceptions of a monolithic, European-dominated slavery culture. It would address Pueblo enslavement of Teya women, for instance. It would not shy from Hernando De Soto’s brutal “iron collars.” It would acknowledge the anti-slavery sentiment of large parts of Spanish society. It would, in short, force us to reckon with history as it was, instead of how it ought to have been.

To that end, while a 1519 Project may seem to some like an attempt to trivialize the egregious impact of a brutal institution in the United States, it is not. It is instead an attempt at a more honest, more complete history of slavery, so that we don’t delude ourselves into repeating the tragic mistakes of the past—treating one another differently based on the color of our skin, for instance.

Hulu’s 1619 Project tells us that “the truth is, Black Americans have always been foundational to the idea of American freedom” and that their “contributions are undeniable.” Yes, this is so. But to suggest that the experience of slavery is a uniquely Black, or uniquely North American phenomenon does a great injustice to the Blacks and other North Americans who came before 1619.

*****
This article was published by AIER, American Institute for Economic Research and is reproduced with permission.

Feb. 12: Birthday of the Great Emancipator, Abraham Lincoln thumbnail

Feb. 12: Birthday of the Great Emancipator, Abraham Lincoln

By Catherine Salgado

“He who would be no slave, must consent to have no slave. Those who deny freedom to others, deserve it not for themselves; and, under a just God, can not long retain it.” —Abraham Lincoln

Today [last week on 2/12] in 1809, in a poor log cabin in the frontier of Kentucky, a baby named Abraham Lincoln was born. He rose from poverty to the presidency and saved his country from the two scourges of civil war and slavery.

Lincoln gave us such wise sayings as “Whenever I hear anyone arguing for slavery, I feel a strong impulse to see it tried on him personally;” and “My concern is not whether God is on our side; my greatest concern is to be on God’s side, for God is always right;” and “With malice toward none, with charity for all.” Not to mention such jokes as, “I’m a success today because I had a friend who believed in me and I didn’t have the heart to let him down.” It would be well if we now heed his advice, “If destruction be our lot, we must ourselves be its author and finisher. As a nation of freemen, we must live through all time, or die by suicide.”

Lincoln guided us through the greatest crisis of American history till that point; he ended slavery, saved the Union, and was assassinated because he had come to support full civil rights for all Americans, regardless of race. Lincoln was a man great enough both to do the right thing when everyone told him not to do it and to admit when he had been wrong.

Happy birthday to the US President second only to George Washington in greatness, Abraham Lincoln.

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This article was published by Pro Deo et Libertate and is reproduced with permission.

10 Woke Offenders: These Companies Push Radical Left Agenda, Fire Conservative Staff thumbnail

10 Woke Offenders: These Companies Push Radical Left Agenda, Fire Conservative Staff

By Katrina Trinko

A new database can help conservative consumers identify which companies actively work to promote leftist ideology and, in some cases, fire conservatives.

The 1792 Exchange, a nonprofit focused on the dangers of “woke capitalism” that urges companies to be neutral on ideological issues, last month released a database of over 1,000 companies.

The database assesses the risk that “a company will cancel a contract or client, or boycott, divest, or deny services based on views or beliefs,” the 1792 Exchange says.

At a time when the culture wars increasingly are being fought, not just in Washington and state capitols but in boardrooms across the country, it’s a welcome development to have a resource to help determine whether your dollars are supporting companies that are neutral or companies that are working against you and your beliefs.

Scanning the entries for companies, I was surprised at just how politically involved so many well-known corporations have become.

Sure, I expected tech companies such as Meta (parent company of Facebook and Instagram) and Alphabet (parent company of Google) to be liberal. And I knew that, as delicious as its ice cream might be, Ben & Jerry’s still hadn’t strayed from its leftist roots.

But I was surprised to see other companies, such as Kohl’s, Ford, Kroger, and Allstate, get slapped with the 1792 Exchange’s “high risk” label. From toy manufacturers to airlines, from drug stores to supermarkets, plenty of companies are busily fighting for leftist causes.

Here’s just a few examples of companies deemed “high risk” by 1792 Exchange:

1. Alaska Airlines. The airline fired two employees after they spoke out against the company’s support for the Equality Act—a bill that likely would require girls sports teams to let biological males play. Alaska Airlines also had “created a new aircraft livery following the death of George Floyd to promote Black Lives Matter” and “issued pro-Black Lives Matter pins and T-shirts for employees.”

2. Allstate. The insurance company “suspended PAC donations to members of Congress who objected to the election certification, streamlined funds to Planned Parenthood, and created ads promoting LGBTQ values.” Back in 2005—apparently, Allstate was ahead of the times on wokeness—the company fired an employee after he wrote an article “at home on his own time explaining his religious views against homosexuality and his beliefs that the movement was dangerous.”

3. Comcast. Not only will this company’s internet service throw you into despair (or is that just my experience?) but it also promotes leftism. Comcast is “an advocate for the Equality Act and has issued statements opposing the Georgia election security bill,” the 1792 Exchange says. The company also “donated $100 million to various groups affiliated with the Black Lives Matter movement” and “announced that it would fund employees’ travel to get an abortion.”

4. CVS. The drugstore chain famed for its mile-long receipts is apparently woke on everything except wasting paper. It “advocates for the Equality Act and transgender participation in girls’ sports” and “the company signed an open letter opposing a Florida bill that would prevent teaching gender identity and sexual orientation in schools to kids in K-3rd grade.” CVS gives employees abortion travel “benefits” and “fired a Catholic nurse practitioner after she refused to prescribe or administer abortifacients, citing her religious beliefs.” In a somewhat surprising twist, though, CVS does say it protects employees’ differing viewpoints.

5. Ford. The American car manufacturer may boast of building trucks “Ford tough,” but it seems to have little spine when it comes to leftist pressure. The company has backed the Equality Act and spoken out against election integrity bills. The company also “fired a Christian employee in 2015 for remarks he made against Ford’s advocacy for LGBTQ rights, which he alleged was religious discrimination.” One bright spot from the company is that leaders refused to stop making police cars, despite some pressure, in 2020.

6. Kohl’s. The department store chain has gone full woke internally, having its “recruiters attend an ‘Unconscious Bias, Influencing, Diversity Sourcing, and Diversity 101 training’” and in 2020, making “all employees … attend ‘unconscious bias’ training.” Just in case you want to wear your wokeness on your sleeve, Kohl’s sold a “‘racial equity’ line of clothing, with logos similar to those commonly used by Black Lives Matter.”

7. Kroger. If you thought your views on gay marriage would be irrelevant in a supermarket, think again: The grocery store chain “fired two Christian employees who requested not to wear the gay pride logo on their work aprons.” Kroger also “enables community donations to Planned Parenthood” and will pay travel costs for employees to get an abortion.

8. Marriott. The hotel chain has embraced more leftist causes than a college student in Berkeley. It has supported the Equality Act, spoken out against religious freedom legislation in Arizona and Georgia, and opposed Florida’s bill banning teaching sexual orientation and gender identity to kids in kindergarten through third grade. But apparently China, not known for its wokeness, is A-OK: Marriott “fired a social media manager for using the company’s Twitter to like a tweet thanking Marriott for recognizing Tibet and Taiwan as separate entities from China.”

9. Mattel. The toy company behind Barbies, Hot Wheels, Fisher-Price, and American Girl has decided children’s toys should come with a dollop of wokeness. Mattel has the dubious distinction of making the first gender-neutral doll, back in 2019. Last year, the company made a “trans-Barbie” in honor of notable actor and transgender activist Laverne Cox. Nor is Mattel content to just push propaganda in toys: The company “advocates for the Equality Act and transgender participation in youth sports.”

10. Pfizer. The pharmaceutical giant doesn’t hold back from getting involved in issues unrelated to health. Pfizer “has signed open letters supporting the Equality Act and transgenders in youth sports” and “opposed the Florida Parental Rights in Education Act, which prohibits teaching gender identity and sexual orientation in schools to kids in K-3rd grade.” It also matches employees’ donations to Planned Parenthood.

Alaska Airlines, Allstate, Comcast, CVS, Kohl’s, Kroger, Marriott, Mattel, and Pfizer didn’t respond to emails from The Daily Signal asking them to confirm or deny the statements about them in the 1792 Exchange’s report. The Daily Signal could not reach Ford for comment.

“The Corporate Bias Ratings contains vital information for shareholders, nonprofits, and small businesses about companies that may cancel them for their views,” says Eric Korsvall, chief operating officer of The Heritage Foundation, in an emailed statement. (The Daily Signal is the news outlet of The Heritage Foundation.)

“Conservatives cannot afford to ignore these important ratings,” Korsvall adds.

I agree with my colleague. Whether it’s emailing a company to let them know that you’re disappointed in their political decisions, or boycotting them outright, conservatives need to make clear there are consequences for mixing leftist political activism with business decisions.

You might also consider whether it’s time to boost some businesses that share your values. New Founding’s Align specifically “showcases businesses that support our shared way of life and vision for America,” urging conservatives: “Don’t buy from people who hate you. Don’t let your money stab you in the back.”

There also are businesses such as Goya Foods, whose CEO Robert Unanue praised President Donald Trump (and didn’t back down when threatened with boycotts), and Seven Weeks Coffee, which donates part of its proceeds to pregnancy resource centers.

Someday we might get back to an America where politics stays in Washington and state capitols, and doesn’t infiltrate businesses. But sadly, that’s not today’s America—and if conservatives are serious about winning, they need to reflect on where they put their money.

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This article was published by The Daily Signal and is reproduced with permission.

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Firing a Shotgun Into the Air, Shooting to Wound and Other Dangerous Ideas

By Lee Williams

When Joe Biden announced last week that police should shoot to wound rather than shoot to stop the threat, most people ignored his crazy ideas and considered them merely the rantings of an 80-year-old man likely suffering from dementia, who has lived most of his adult life in a bubble surrounded by armed protective details.

But when Rob Pincus told FOX News he supported Biden’s ideas, even shooting a shotgun out a door to scare away bad guys, it was too much. Even with Pincus’ previous statements calling for more gun control, he had crossed the Rubicon. There was no going back.

Here’s what Pincus told FOX News: “Biden, many years ago, made a statement about going outside and firing a shotgun up in the air if somebody is trying to break into your home. What he said last Friday is really very closely related to that concept, which is if you’re going to use a gun, you don’t have to use it to kill someone, there’s other ways to somehow use a gun to defend yourself; and that is anathema to people in the training community, whether it’s law enforcement, military or civilian defensive shooting in the United States,” Pincus said, adding later, “I have to admit that Biden’s right. If somebody were trying to break into your home, and you stick a shotgun out the window and fire rounds into the air, that person is probably going to leave.”

Now that Pincus was all-in on Biden’s warning shots and shooting-to-wound tactics, I asked experts from law enforcement, the military and the civilian shooting industry what they thought about Pincus’ comments. Here’s what they had to say.

Law enforcement’s response

“The whole concept of what Biden was saying is insane,” said Sarasota County (Florida) Sheriff Kurt Hoffman. “Every modern law enforcement agency is teaching a single-officer response to an active shooter, so you’re never going to shoot to potentially incapacitate. You’re going to shoot to stop the threat. Why shoot for limbs, feet or ankles? It makes no sense whatsoever.”

Shooting to incapacitate, Hoffman said, prevents a deputy from helping the wounded.

“If you can’t effectively neutralize a threat as quickly as possible – which equals shooting center mass – you can’t render aid to other people on scene who need assistance. Are you going to wound someone and hope he stays down while you render aid? This is the complete antithesis of what we would do. This is crazy.”

Firearm industry’s response

Mark Oliva, managing director of public affairs at the National Shooting Sports Foundation, said firing warning shots as Biden and Pincus have suggested could land the gun owner in jail.

“Among the cardinal rules for firearm safety is to know your target and what is beyond. NSSF does not recommend any firearm owner blindly fire their shotgun, or any other gun for that matter, into the air. President Biden’s, or anyone else’s advice, that this is a viable option only puts gun owners on shaky legal ground. Jeffery Barton, of Clark County, Washington, was charged with illegally discharging a firearm after intruders attempted to break into his home. Those charges were later dropped. However, he was convicted of obstructing a police officer,” Oliva said. “Firearms are used lawfully each and every day to defend an individual’s life or the lives of loved ones. The decision to use a firearm in self-defense is a serious and are never taken lightly. Discharging firearms recklessly into the night sky could have unintended consequences. Firearm owners should be confident of their intended target and what is beyond it whether they are using their firearm to defend their life, hunting or on a recreational target range. Firearm safety rules are paramount, no matter what the scenario.”

Training community’s response

Bob Keller is a retired Master Sergeant who spent all of his career in Army Special Operations, including 17 years as a Tier One operator in the 1st Special Forces Operational Detachment-Delta (1st SFOD-D), which is better known as Delta Force. Today, Keller teaches civilians, law enforcement, government and corporate groups through his training firm, Gamut Resolutions.

Keller has been in more than 400 gunfights and has never once shot to wound. It is “ignorant and irresponsible” he said for any instructor to teach shooting to incapacitate.

“There’s no way an average shooter can do that,” Keller said. “If you’re telling people to do that and they get in an active shooter situation – and keep in mind anything within CONUS is a no-fail shot – and they’re now aiming for someone’s arm or leg, the likelihood of them making the shot is miniscule. That’s a tough shot for me and I’ve been training my whole life. What happens if they miss the shot and hit a child? Such a low-percentage shot is a huge risk in a CONUS environment. I’ve never shot to wound, at least not intentionally. If someone has a gun in their hand and is getting ready to use it, you don’t shoot to wound. Does he (Pincus) know how hard of a shot that is? It’s ridiculous. Who’s going to be held responsible if a friendly gets shot because someone was trying to shoot the bad guy’s arm? I’d like to see him (Pincus) make that shot.”

Marc Pezzella is a former SWAT team member, a former SWAT team commander, a retired Sheriff’s Office lieutenant and a former U.S. Department of State military contractor with more than 25 years of service and tactical experience, who now teaches tactical shooting at Advanced Defensive Concepts.

Pezzella believes Pincus’ shooting-to-wound idea is lunacy.

“Shooting to wound? Who are you shooting at? Are they mentally stable? Do they feel pain? What is their level of commitment to the fight? Will shooting make them more angry? Are they on drugs? Are they on alcohol? Are they able to fight through the wound?” he asked.

Pezzella pointed out that that 96% of civilian defensive shootings take place within nine feet.

“Assuming you hit them in the arm or leg, within nine feet you don’t have time, distance or opportunity to shoot again,” he said. “Shooting in combat is extremely difficult to do well: they’re shooting and moving, and you’re moving. If someone threatens you with a firearm, the time you think you have to wound them does not exist, assuming you can even hit them. It’s not possible to shoot someone in the extremity in the real world.”

The what-goes-up-must-come-down response

Joe Krawtschenko is a retired law enforcement officer, a firearms instructor and owner of The Gun Shoppe in Southwest Florida.

A few years ago, he met Diego, a then-10-year-old boy who was fighting for his life.

“Diego and his parents were standing in their front yard near Ruskin (Florida) watching fireworks on New Year’s Eve,” Krawtschenko said. “He was standing between his parents when he suddenly fell to the ground bleeding from the head. A .45-round hit him right on the top of his head, penetrated his skull and was lodged in his nasal cavity.”

Diego was in a coma for a week and spent years recovering.

“What goes up must come down, with enough force to kill someone, and we don’t know where it’s coming down,” Krawtschenko said. “Diego recovered. The last time I saw him, he took a class from me with his mother. He’s a normal kid, riding a skateboard.”

Krawtschenko described Pincus’ and Biden’s tactic of shooting into the air as “moronic.”

“You’re going to have a bunch of idiots firing warning shots into the air with no idea where the shot’s going to land,” he said. “We live in a well-populated area. Look around within a mile of where you live. There are schools, parks and playgrounds loaded with kids. Diego and his parents never became anti-gun. They’re anti idiots-with-guns.”

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This article was published by Second Amendment Foundation and is reproduced with permission.

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Mom Explains What It Took to Rescue Daughter From Transgenderism

By Virginia Allen

Erin Friday’s daughter was introduced to gender identity ideology in a comprehensive sex-ed class in seventh grade.

“The seed was planted after that class,” Friday says. “And in fact, all of her friends, there were five, sat in my front yard saying what their new labels were.”

Friday says she was “alarmed by the language that they were using, including ‘pansexual,’ which is not a term that 11-year-olds should know.”

The mother began looking into what her daughter was learning in school and was struck by the fact that other adults were not also questioning the teaching of gender ideology to middle schoolers.

When her daughter said she was “transgender,” Friday began taking decisive steps to rescue her from transgenderism. She took her daughter’s phone, put her in a new school, and tried her best to surround the preteen with the truth about who she was as a female. It was not easy, but Friday says, as a parent, “you have to be strong enough, your love for your child has to be strong enough, to take their vitriol.”

After about a year and a half, Friday’s daughter stopped claiming a transgender identity. Today, through the work of the parental support group Our Duty, Friday is helping other families navigate through gender identity ideology.

Friday joins the show today to share her story, and to explain how parents can protect their children from the harms of gender identity ideology.

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This article was published by The Daily Signal and is reproduced with permission.

Weekend Read: How the Soft-on-Crime Sausage Gets Made thumbnail

Weekend Read: How the Soft-on-Crime Sausage Gets Made

By Parker Thayer

In October 2022, the Ronald Brownstein of The Atlantic wrote an impassioned defense of the left-wing progressive criminal justice reform movement, claiming there is no clear connection between rising crime rates and the polices of allegedly “soft-on-crime” district attorneys (DAs).

The article provides an . . . interesting . . . argument.

Brownstein concedes, among other things, that

  • National crime rates reversed their downward trend around 2014,
  • Left-wing progressive DAs first became popular in the “mid 2010s,”
  • 20 percent of the country now lives in the jurisdiction of a left-wing progressive DA compared to “essentially none 10 years ago” when crime rates were at an all-time low, and
  • There is “no clear alternative explanation” for rising crime rates besides the proliferation of left-wing progressive DAs.

The very frame of the story seems to undermine its central argument, but Brownstein claims that the anecdotal evidence of correlation is not to be trusted as proof of causation. To back up his claims, Brownstein presents two academic studies that serve as the basis of his entire argument.

Study 1: “The Red State Murder Problem”

One of the studies—conducted by the far-left Third Way, which Brownstein characterizes as a “centrist Democratic group”—claims that Republicans, not left-wing progressives, are responsible for rising crime because “per capita murder rates in 2020 were 40 percent higher in states that voted for Donald Trump.”

Was this study reputable? No, not really.

In fact, the Third Way study had been thoroughly debunked in the left-leaning Washington Post just the day before Brownstein’s article. The study was widely ridiculed because it ignored the obvious fact that almost all “red state murders” happened in Democrat-controlled districts within those states. Discrediting the study’s claims about Missouri, Marc Thiessen of the American Enterprise Institute wrote:

Take Missouri. Yes, it voted for Trump. But it is also home to two of the most dangerous U.S. cities—St. Louis and Kansas City—both of which are run by Democrats. Earlier this year, CBS News did an analysis of the “deadliest U.S. cities” using the latest FBI and other crime data. In 2019, it found, St. Louis had the highest murder rate in the nation, with 64.54 murders per 100,000 residents. Kansas City, meanwhile, had the eighth-highest murder rate, with 29.88 murders per 100,000. According to the FBI, the state had about 520 murders in major metropolitan areas that year, 20 in cities outside metropolitan areas, and 28 in nonmetropolitan counties. So, the vast majority of Missouri’s homicides took place in its Democrat-run cities.

The Third Way study was also mocked for trying to claim that high percentage increases in crime in Wyoming, South Dakota, and Nebraska were proof that rising crime rates were a Republican-caused problem. As Thiessen highlights, Third Way omitted the fact that these three states saw a combined 75 murders in 2019, fewer than some neighborhoods in Chicago or St. Louis.

Although some basic critical thinking might have told him that the Third Way study was bogus, Brownstein can be forgiven for using it since it had, after all, been debunked just one day before. On top of that, the Third Way study isn’t really the heart of his argument anyway. Perhaps the second study is more trustworthy?

Study 2: Violent Crime and Public Prosecution

The centerpiece of the article was “Violent Crime and Public Prosecution,” a new study by the University of Toronto’s Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy. The researchers behind the study, Brownstein claimed, had found that “homicides over recent years increased less rapidly in cities with left-wing progressive prosecutors than in those with more traditional district attorneys.”

Unlike the Third Way article, the Munk School article had not been thoroughly debunked when Brownstein’s article was published. In fact, nothing major had yet been written about the study at all because it had been published earlier that same day. Without any significant commentary available to review, a look at the summary of the study can help explain the bare bones of its claims.

For example, the summary aims to score political points by pointing out that “the greatest proportional increase in homicide in 2020 took place in Mesa, Arizona, a city served by a conservative prosecutor.” What it doesn’t mention is that Mesa, a city of over 500,000, saw just 24 total homicides during 2020, which is hardly an indictment of conservative prosecution.

The study’s central claim, as Brownstein writes, is that “from 2015 to 2019, for instance, the study found that murder rates increased in a smaller share of cities with progressive prosecutors (56 percent) than in those with traditional prosecutors (68 percent) or prosecutors who fell in the middle (62 percent).” The data are interesting but not terribly useful because, among other things, they exclude data for 202o, the banner-year for left-wing progressive criminal justice reform. It also doesn’t account for state and local legislation that might affect crime rates. Nor does it consider changes to policing or police budgets. It draws data from only 65 cities and counties in the nation. Additionally, a glance at the data and methodology from the full study reveals that cities like New York, Los Angeles, Dallas, Houston, and Austin were lumped into the “middle” category.

Later on, the summary presents data from the study that supposedly vindicate the left-wing progressive DAs of Chicago, Philadelphia, and Los Angeles.

Kim Foxx, the summary claims, can’t be blamed for Chicago’s staggering 56 percent increase in homicides during 2020 and the continued increases in 2021 because homicides spiked just before she assumed office in 2017 and were decreasing for three years after that until the pandemic began in 2020. What the summary doesn’t mention is that Foxx only announced she would not prosecute most drug offenses in 2020, that she refused to seek charges against people accused of rioting during 2020, and that Illinois passed left-wing progressive criminal justice reform laws in 2021.

Similar excuses were made for Larry Krasner of Philadelphia where the summary claims a combined 57 percent increase in homicides somehow could not be his fault just because the murders were concentrated in August and December. And for George Gascon of Los Angeles County, a 12 percent increase in homicides during his first year was somehow not his fault because murders increased 12 percent at the Los Angeles city center but 41 percent in the outlying county neighborhoods (which were also in his jurisdiction).

The claims made in the summary seem weak or deeply flawed, but time and further examination by experts will tell whether the study holds merit.

Follow the Money

The questionable assertions of the summary and the untested data of the full study are not the only possible problems with Brownstein’s primary source. There is also a disturbing money trail behind the study that suggests potential biases.

As both the Munk School authors and Brownstein admit, the study was commissioned and funded by the Center for American Progress, one of America’s leading left-of-center think tanks and policy-advocacy organizations. This alone is cause for concern, but there’s more.

The lead author, Todd Foglesong, is working as a fellow at the Munk School “In cooperation with the Open Society Foundations” and has been working on “developing a peer-based system of support for government officials that seek to solve persistent problems in criminal justice.”

Open Society Foundations is the private charitable foundation and influence-buying network of the infamous left-wing billionaire George Soros, who is also the number one campaign donor to left-wing progressive DAs. Soros has spent well over $30 million on contributions to left-wing progressive DAs across the country since 2015, and over two-dozen DAs who have received his money are currently in office. It seems notable that at least part of the primary author’s salary is apparently being paid by the largest campaign donor of many of the DAs being studied, but neither Brownstein nor the Munk School study makes any mention of this fact.

In fact, the Open Society Foundations (OSF) website reports that the Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy has received $144,265 in OSF grants while the University of Toronto, where the Munk School is housed, has received a combined $2.7 million. The largest of these grants was a $1.3 million grant in 2016 that established the very “peer support system” for criminal justice reform that Foglesong is working on.

Behind the Curtain

This is how the soft-on-crime sausage gets made.

Brownstein’s article, and countless others like it, instruct readers to ignore the evidence of their eyes and ears because “the experts” have arrived at different conclusions. A quick peek under the hood would reveal that “the experts” are either incredibly biased or completely debunked, but most people don’t have the time or patience to look deeper so “the experts” get accepted at face-value.

Meanwhile, on social media and on the streets, activists and protestors assure them that the experts are correct and that a good person would vote for such change. Then, out of nowhere arrive a candidate with heaps of cash (from the same mega-donor who funded the experts) and a platoon of activists to lead the city forward into a new era. When the left-wing progressive is elected and the destruction of their policies is felt, the same experts come forward again to explain that it’s not their fault, the media rushes to report the expert testimony as fact, and the whole process starts over again. Rinse and repeat.

American cities desperately need to break this cycle to escape the continued scourge of left-wing progressive utopian experiments.

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This article was published by Capital Research Center and is reproduced with permission.

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Did Washington Ignore Warnings About Fentanyl?

By Jonathan Alpeyrie

“We are losing an entire generation due to drugs,” said Michael Cole, the founder of Lauren’s Wish Addiction Triage Center, an organization named after the daughter he lost to a fentanyl overdose. Growing up in West Virginia, Lauren was a strong student, athletic, and kind to others. At 16 she became addicted to opioids. She died on July 9, 2020, at the age of 26.

Driven largely by fentanyl, drug overdoses are now the leading cause of death among Americans ages 18 to 45. In 2020, close to 92,000 Americans died of a drug overdose, but the number rose sharply during the pandemic and lockdowns. In 2021, life expectancy in the U.S. hit its lowest point in two decades. In 2022, there were 109,000 overdose deaths, according to provisional data from the Centers for Disease Control, with deaths from synthetic opioids up 80% over the same period and most of those attributable to fentanyl.

Other countries in the world don’t come close to America’s level of illegal drug consumption—or to its death tallies. The U.S. now consumes about 85% of all the world’s opiates. As a result, the rate of overdose deaths is around 20 times higher in America than the global average.

To understand how it is that a deadly and highly addictive poison has flooded the streets of American cities and small towns, one has to untangle the knot of connections linking Chinese drug manufacturers, Mexican cartels, and a homegrown culture of addiction that uses chemical remedies to treat economic and spiritual woes. That globalized and lethal supply chain, which is enriching criminal cartels while undoing the fabric of American life, is in part the result of shortcomings in U.S. policy, multiple former agents from the Drug Enforcement Administration told Tablet. According to them, the federal government failed to respond to repeated warnings about the coming fentanyl crisis, even as the casualties began to mount…..

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Continue reading this article at Tablet Magazine.

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‘Ground Zero’ Arizona Republicans Sounding Alarm Over Fentanyl Flowing From Border

By Cameron Arcand

Arizona Republican state legislators doubled down on their call to action on the border crisis, particularly on fentanyl, at a news conference on Thursday.

The legislators said that the rise in fentanyl deaths in the state is deeply concerning and called for more resources to support law enforcement and greater education on prevention techniques like the use of naloxone for accidental overdose deaths.

“We need to take swift action to deal with what is happening to combat it,” Rep. Steve Montenegro, who is the Chairman of the House Health & Human Services Committee, said.

Opioid overdoses, which commonly stem from fentanyl, result in over five deaths daily in Arizona, according to the state’s Department of Health Services.

Montenegro mentioned introducing a “placeholder bill” that will later be amended after talking with other government officials and experts.

“Now, Gov. Hobbs has stated that she agrees that this is a crisis. But her actions in gutting border-related funding to law enforcement says otherwise. That’s unacceptable,” he said.

Hobbs’s proposed budget cuts to the state’s Border Strike Force, The Center Square reported.

Later in the news conference, Republican House Majority Leader Leo Biasiucci also criticized the governor.

“She is not here to help the Arizonans with our border crisis. We are as Republicans,” Biasiucci said of the Democrat, who took office earlier this month.

Former interim director of the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement Tom Homan spoke as well, and he referred to Arizona as “ground zero” for fentanyl.

When The Center Square asked if the legislation would crack down on social media platforms being used for trafficking activity, Montenegro said the current focus is raising awareness.

“The focus is making sure Arizona understands this is a public health crisis. This is a public safety crisis,” he said.

“It’s a porous border. Fentanyl is killing our – kids aren’t blue or red. Kids that are dying, they don’t understand politics, but they’re dying. And we need to do something about that,” Montenegro added.

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This article was published by The Center Square – Arizona and is reproduced with permission.

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Birth Rates Matter

By Jesse Smith

Lyman Stone’s essay offers a knowledgeable and well-reasoned, albeit idiosyncratic, perspective on demographic decline. I find much of what he says persuasive. Most prominently, I agree that the problems of demography should be viewed as problems faced by human beings, rather than abstract considerations of the state. I depart from Stone, however, in some matters of diagnosis and prescription.

I will focus here on reviewing a few main points and offering gentle rejoinders. Stone covers a great deal of ground, but the key takeaways, as I understand them, are as follows. First, and most centrally, we should understand the term “demographic decline” broadly, looking at individuals failing to achieve their desired demographic outcomes. Instead of worrying about the average number of births per American woman, we should worry about the number of people who would like to marry, have children, or live longer and more productive lives, but who are not achieving this for whatever reason. In particular, Stone would have us pay careful attention to rising mortality among the young, which seems to evidence a particularly bleak form of cultural decline.

As we attend to this central issue, Stone would have us remember three further things. First of all, we should recognize that fertility preferences are the key to understanding fertility outcomes. It is impossible to say offhand how many children a person needs to be happy, so instead of telling women how many children they ought to have, we should help them have the number they say they want. Second, fertility decline is mostly attributable to economic shocks. People have fewer children than they want mainly because they feel financially insecure, or because the social insecurity that follows financial shocks deters them from having children. Third, and finally, Stone believes that preoccupation with demographic decline per se is unhelpful; we should focus our efforts on enhancing social well-being in general, expecting that desirable demographic outcomes will naturally follow. If we instill a sense of security and well-being in adults of childbearing age, we should expect birth rates to rise.

Each of these points is defensible, but there are rejoinders and alternative perspectives worthy of mention.

Empty Cradles, Decaying Playgrounds

Stone regards the very question of “demographic decline” as perplexing, given that the term can be used to describe a wide array of disparate phenomena. Perhaps it reflects my shallower immersion in the topic, but this hasn’t been my experience. When people see the term “demographic decline” in a headline, they expect to read about “fewer babies.” It is widely recognized today that birth rates have fallen precipitously throughout the developed world.

I propose, therefore, to follow Stone’s recommendation by considering demographic decline as experienced by the people most immediately affected (rather than theorized by wonks and academics), while working with a definition that is narrower in one sense and broader in another. Of the various conceptions listed, I would emphasize one above the others, namely, “the social transformations attendant on rarer youth and more common elderhood.” That is: the population of our nation, and of most developed nations, is aging. Concerns over decline generally seem to hinge on this aspect in one way or another, particularly among non-experts. People that don’t know how to read a population pyramid or discuss a dependency ratio still have an intuitive understanding of the “beanpole family.” Unlike Stone, though, I would offer a more expansive view as to who is most immediately affected. What of the grandmother who had all the children she wanted, but sees her hopes of abundant grandchildren vanishing as her offspring reach midlife? The pastor who laments a graying congregation and emptying pews? The teachers, staff, and volunteers at schools facing closure due to too few enrollees? The population structure of the country has many stakeholders in between the level of the women having (or not having) children, and the future generations grappling with the prospect of Social Security insolvency.

From this perspective, demographic decline should be understood not merely in terms of people getting the outcomes they want (though that too), but also as a reflection of the kind of society we live in. Insofar as it is a problem, it is a social problem. To be sure, from a policy perspective, the individual focus may be fruitful. After all, policies are often geared toward a “carrot-and-stick” maximization of incentives and thus follow an implicitly individualistic logic. But as interesting as it might be to consider why a particular woman does or does not have as many babies as she claims to want, that focus is too narrow as a way of understanding what demographic decline is or why it matters.

Rising premature mortality is indeed an alarming development and even a kind of crisis. Still, Stone’s insistence that “we must begin our conversation” here, and not with the question of falling fertility is puzzling. Life expectancy in the United States rose rapidly and with little interruption from the late 19th century through 2014. Meanwhile, fertility has collapsed relative to its (admittedly aberrationally high) 1960 levels. Suicides and overdose deaths are tragic indeed, and we should certainly be anxious to help prevent them, but that trend simply has little bearing on the shifts in population structure in recent decades, which are what most people have in mind when they discuss demographic decline. These are both important conversations, but they are not the same conversation, nor need one to be a prerequisite for the other.

The Puzzle of Falling Birth Rates

Stone makes much of the fact that fertility preferences are highly predictive of fertility outcomes at the individual level; women who claim to want a large number of children are likelier to have them. He takes this as evidence that expressed fertility preferences really do reveal something deep and important and argues we should be concerned with helping women have the desired number of children. There is certainly nothing objectionable about that.

Yet, as David Goldman points out, preferences in themselves tell us little about what demographic decline is, if or why it matters, or what (if anything) we should do about it. Stone unintentionally highlights this point when he notes that fertility preferences have remained relatively stable since 1955 at 2.2 to 2.5 children per woman—a period during which the Total Fertility Rate has ranged from 3.6 to 1.8. Preferences may help us understand why a woman in 2010, who wants two children, will have fewer than one who wants three. However, that same woman will have fewer than one who wanted two children in 1970. Why is that? People worry about demographic decline, in part, because fertility trends across the developed world have changed so markedly in a short space of time, following the same broad pattern in almost every developed country. It only seems reasonable to try to understand these trends and to consider what they mean for the future of the human race. It will be hard to broach that question if we maintain a narrow focus on helping individuals achieve their desired fertility.

In fairness, Stone does make some effort to explain falling birth rates when he attributes declining fertility to economic shocks. This explanation is popular and defensible—but also fiercely contested, as are all general explanations of the fertility decline seen across the developed world. One of the most prominent theories of modern demographic trends, that of the Second Demographic Transition, highlights the role of changing values—declining religiousness and rising prioritization of personal fulfillment over traditional lifestyles and basic material needs—to explain why younger generations are choosing to have fewer children. I use the word “choosing” advisedly, recognizing many may not have such a choice. But among those who do, the question isn’t just when they want to get married or how many children they prefer, but what sacrifices they are willing to make for those things to happen. To understand demographic behaviors, it isn’t enough to know someone’s economic situation—we also need to know something about how they weigh trade-offs. Why does one prospective parent give up career ambitions in order to start a family while another doesn’t? This is where the frustratingly ambiguous yet indispensable factor of “culture” comes in. Goldman ably demonstrates this in his response essay.

Furthermore, in an increasingly globalized postindustrial world, it isn’t obvious why economic shocks would be widely shared, but cultural ones are not. Doesn’t it seem reasonable to expect that a theory that accounts for both will have the most explanatory power? Stone unintentionally alludes to the power of cultural shocks by invoking the effect of social media. If “screen time” has fundamentally altered the way we relate to ourselves, others, and the world around us, this affects younger generations more than older ones around the globe, and this change has meaningfully impacted demographic behaviors—does this not represent a shared cultural shift affecting dispositions toward childbearing?

The point here isn’t that Stone is wrong about the importance of economic factors. There can be good reasons to emphasize them, insofar as they are more amenable to such policy interventions as may be needed. But neglecting the cultural aspect may lead to an insufficient understanding of the causes of demographic decline, and indeed of the nature of the problem itself. For the aforementioned grandmother, pastor, or school staff (in addition to the prospective spouses or parents themselves), a world with fewer children will be felt as a loss of meaning, not only or even primarily of economic well-being. Many people clearly feel that a world with fewer children is a sadder and bleaker one, and that’s not just because they are concerned about their Social Security checks.

Setting Priorities

Stone dismisses preoccupation over demographic decline per se as “fruitless,” and any quest to achieve particular aggregate outcomes as “hubris.” (The latter point reflects a spirit of Hayekian humility with which I have some sympathy.) We should instead focus on improving human flourishing more generally, which will as a natural consequence allow people to attain the demographic outcomes they already want. Build a better society and the babies will come. But while channeling Hayek, Stone has neglected Sowell. Governments have limited means, whether political or economic, to pursue limited goals. Some goods must be prioritized over others. Trade-offs are in order.

If we make the reasonable assumption that some policies will do more to address the ills of prime-age mortality, later-than-desired marriage, or fewer-than-desired children than others, then it matters whether we view those problems as central or peripheral ones. Stone insists there are non-demographic reasons to support the policies addressing those problems. But there are also non-demographic reasons to oppose them, so why shouldn’t we add the demographic reasons to the ledger? Given the nature of current American political cleavages, an explicitly pro-family (as opposed to a pro-autonomous-individual) framing of issues like child allowances and family leave may be a winning strategy in an otherwise-uphill battle. It is certainly plausible, as Stone argues, that people are happier overall when their fertility preferences are achieved, but it probably will not be clear to everyone that fertility goals ought to be prioritized over other sorts of personal goals: educational and professional goals, lifestyle goals, or even the desire to learn a musical instrument or run a marathon. Why is childbearing more worthy of public support than these other personal preferences?

A responsible conversation about demographics need not replace concern about the human costs of unrealized fertility goals. Rather, it can bolster the argument for improved family policy, by helping policy-makers to appreciate why new citizens are more critically important to the health of society than new marathon-runners or PhD-holders. By proposing a novel, expansive, and person-centered view of what constitutes demographic decline, Stone encourages us to take a step back from the wonky abstractions of TFRs, dependency ratios, and population projections that often characterize demographic conversations. There is merit in this perspective. I agree wholeheartedly that demography is properly a concern of human society, not just the state. But Stone gives short shrift to arguments for why we should be concerned about demographic trends qua demographic trends, preferring instead to fold these concerns into a discussion of human flourishing more generally. If as a matter of policy and culture there is a tension between supporting families vs. autonomous individuals, this perspective seemingly defaults to privileging the latter at the expense of the former. We should consider that an adequate response to demographic decline, whether understood in conventional terms or in Stone’s unorthodox sense, may require a more intentional and targeted approach.

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This article was published by Law and Liberty and is reproduced with permission.

America Has a ‘Pandemic of Fatherlessness’ Contributing to Gender Confusion, Suicide, and More, Author Says thumbnail

America Has a ‘Pandemic of Fatherlessness’ Contributing to Gender Confusion, Suicide, and More, Author Says

By Virginia Allen

America is suffering from a pandemic that is not a virus, it “is a pandemic of fatherlessness.” That’s according to Pastor Kris Vallotton, author of the new book “Uprising: The Epic Battle for the Most Fatherless Generation in History.”

“Fifty-one percent of all children in America right now are born out of wedlock, 51%,” Vallotton, the senior associate leader of Bethel Church in Redding, California, says. “In 1950, 4% of Americans were born out of wedlock.”

The results of children growing up without fathers in the home are devastating, Vallotton says, with data revealing that “75% of all inmates grew up without a father,” and “63% of all youth suicides come from fatherless homes.”

Vallotton also points to a rise in transgenderism and gay marriage as a side effect of fatherlessness, because “when we embrace gay marriage … what we said is that you can have two mommies and two daddies, because mommies and daddies are interchangeable.”

Vallotton joins “The Daily Signal Podcast” to share his own personal story of losing his father as a young boy and how that affected his life, and to offer a hopeful solution for how children can experience the love of a father amid a fatherless generation.

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This article was published by The Daily Signal and is reproduced with permission.

Weekend Read: Soul Dysphoria [A Trans and GenZ Disaster] thumbnail

Weekend Read: Soul Dysphoria [A Trans and GenZ Disaster]

By Spencer Klavan

Understanding the “trans” phenomenon means recognizing it’s about more than gender.

In 2013 the DSM-V, an authoritative diagnostic manual for therapists and clinicians published by the American Psychiatric Association, defined gender dysphoria as “the distress that may accompany the incongruence between one’s experienced or expressed gender and one’s assigned gender,” where “gender” refers not to one’s biology but to “the public (and usually legally recognized) lived role as boy or girl, man or woman.”

The psychologist John Money popularized this way of speaking in the mid-20th century—it is the lasting legacy of his highly disreputable career. The word “gender” draws a stark—some might say Platonic—dividing line between “sex,” meaning one’s biological characteristics as male or female, and “gender,” meaning the ways in which one behaves, feels, and is perceived. The runaway success of the philosopher Judith Butler’s Gender Trouble in 1990 helped sunder these two ideas more starkly among the leftist intellectual class. Butler was wrestling with French poststructuralists like Michel de Foucault and post-Freudian feminists like Simone de Beauvoir, who had famously written that “one is not born, but rather becomes, a woman.” Pushing Beauvoir’s idea further, Butler suggested that “sex does not cause gender, and gender cannot be understood to reflect or express sex.”

But then, still more radically, Butler proposed that sex too is an invented idea applied to the body, so that even the most basic facts of our physical selves are subject to transformation and reinterpretation: “gender is not to culture as sex is to nature; gender is also the discursive/cultural means by which ‘sexed nature’ or a ‘natural sex’ is produced.” Gender is a performance; binary sex is a social construct; our bodies are objects of hostile interpretations fabricated by the powerful. At the time these were explosive statements. Today, they are practically commonplace.

With this new vocabulary came new awareness of a painful split between body and soul. By all accounts, dysphoria is agony—a jagged perceived mismatch between flesh and spirit. In 2016, Buzzfeed asked gender dysphoric people to depict what it was like to feel as they did. Women drew their breasts as balls and chains shackled to their legs; men imagined unzipping their own skin and emerging, newly female, from their old unwanted exoskeleton. In children with gender dysphoria, puberty can be a time of acute distress when the maleness or femaleness of the body suddenly asserts itself in a dramatic way. The thoughts of gender dysphoric adolescents often turn to suicide, which is why many parents are willing to do anything—including irreversible surgery and hormonal intervention—to help alleviate the discomfort.

But it is telling to read in the DSM-V that gender dysphoria occurs in just 0.005 percent to 0.014 percent of natal males, and 0.002 percent to 0.003 percent of natal females. In 2013, those numbers were current. They are already wildly out of date. Girls, especially, are developing gender dysphoria at an alarming pace: between 2006 and 2016, the number of referrals to London’s Charing Cross “Gender Identity Clinic” nearly quadrupled. Between 2008 and 2015, another such clinic in Nottingham saw its referral numbers jump from 30 to 850. A Gallup report in 2020 found that 1.8 percent of Gen-Z kids in the United States (born between 1997 and 2002) identified as transgender. By 2021, it was up to 2.1 percent. A shocking uptick in gender dysphoria, especially among girls, has blown the DSM-V’s figures out of the water. We are simply more uncomfortable in our bodies than we were before.

Perhaps some of this is because gender dysphoric people are more comfortable sharing their feelings as it becomes commonplace, not to say required, to accept and validate transgender people in American culture and society. But it is just as likely, if not more so, that causation goes the other way: maybe boys and girls feel more uncomfortable about their bodies as they are increasingly taught by adults and peers to view their physical sex as something detachable from their gender. Brown University health researcher Lisa Littman caused enormous controversy when she surveyed 250 families with dysphoric children and observed that 80 percent of the kids were female. What Littman called “rapid-onset gender dysphoria” is a new phenomenon, a sudden self-identification as trans in girls who never showed signs of bodily discomfort before. Littman was attacked because her results suggested that our massive dysphoria epidemic might not be entirely spontaneous.

More and more public schools have adopted the Human Rights Campaign Foundation’s “gender snowperson,” or other similar infographics✎ EditSign, to teach that sex, sexuality, and gender are unmoored from one another. But this kind of messaging goes beyond classrooms. One 2020 study in the Journal of the American Medical Association found evidence that in areas where kids are exposed to more media coverage of transgender-related issues, gender therapy clinics receive more referrals. Kids increasingly shape their political beliefs and values (including their sense of gender identity) in conversation with one another in online forums. “Online engagement is not just isolated,” said Tumblr’s director of outreach Liba Rubenstein, “it really is attached to people’s offline identities.”

Typically, this kind of peer-to-peer discussion is represented as a victory for liberation and inclusion. But online life is not just allowing kids to vent their discomfort with their bodies: it’s also creating that discomfort where previously there was none. In this broader context the rise in transgender identification and gender dysphoria seems less like an authentic phenomenon in and of itself, and more like one symptom of an ancient conflict between body and soul, kicked into hyperdrive by the experience of internet life.

Abigail Shrier, a journalist who documents the rise of gender dysphoria in young girls in her book Irreversible Damage, interviewed one teenager whose anorexia morphed naturally into gender dysphoria as if the two sprang from the same source: “My goal went from diet pills to testosterone…. From fantasies about slicing off my thigh fat to slicing off my breasts. I bound them with duct tape. I couldn’t breathe. It made me panic, but I felt brave.” Buck Angel, a transsexual internet celebrity, speculated to Shrier about the association between widespread gender dysphoria and a disgust at the body more generally among teens, who are having less sex than previous generations and seem more comfortable in virtual than physical space. Shrier concludes that adolescent transgenderism “very often seems to be a sad cult of asexuality, like the hand-painted sign in an antique shop reading ‘Please Do Not Touch.’”

Persona Creata

Given the explosion of gender dysphoria among adolescent girls, this phase of the body crisis suggests a particular horror at the idea of womanhood. “Perhaps forever,” writes Shrier, “but at least since Shakespeare’s Viola arrived shipwrecked in Illyria and decided to pass herself off as a man, it has occurred to young women: it’s so much easier to be a boy.” The feminist injunction for women to “lean in”—to hunt out positions of power and dominance in traditionally male industries and pursuits—comes freighted with the implication that traditionally female pursuits are weak, contemptible, and dull. “I suppose I could have stayed home and baked cookies and had teas, but what I decided to do was fulfill my profession,” sniffed Hillary Clinton, in a classic summation of this idea, during her husband Bill’s first presidential campaign.

Both implicitly and explicitly, our ruling classes express contempt for homemaking and motherhood. But this closes off the most primal path to resolving the body crisis. Women, by creating new life, bear witness to the possibility that body and soul can in fact be reconciled: in childbirth, human flesh becomes the medium of the divine. Poets have expressed this as the “eternal feminine,” the strangely luminous power of women like Dante’s Beatrice or Faust’s Margarete to act as physical conduits for the life-giving power of God. “Woman, eternal, beckons us on,” wrote Johann Wolfgang von Goethe in the closing lines of his Faust. This is the meaning of the Virgin Mary’s consent to bring God into the world: her body will become the medium to deliver divine life, God made flesh.

Not that pregnancy and labor are some sort of cakewalk that we should regard with misty-eyed sentiment. Ever since Adam and Eve left Eden, creating life has also meant facing pain. The delicate challenge of growing from girl to woman involves coming to terms with the blood and the sorrow of what it means to have a body in a fallen world. Now, though, that hard task is made harder by the constant social implication that to be a mother is to be brainwashed and oppressed. Small wonder girls are fleeing womanhood, and small wonder this has intensified our sense that the human body is nothing more than a dead weight. Childbirth is not the only way to be fulfilled, nor the only way out of the body crisis. But if our bodies are not at least potentially a source of life as well as death, of blessing as well as discomfort, then they are simply a burden. Shucking off that burden means turning women into mere body parts that can be removed, reconfigured, or appropriated at will, reducing the female body to its functions and recasting women themselves as “menstruaters,” “chest feeders,” and “birthing people.”

Thus trans activism increasingly comes along with the implication that the body has no inherent integrity; that its meaning is entirely at the whim of its inhabitant. “Here’s the thing about chest surgery,” said Dr. Joanna Olson-Kennedy, a trans youth specialist and director of the Center for Transyouth Health and Development at the Children’s Hospital in Los Angeles: “If you want breasts at a later point in your life you can go and get them.” Reacting with alarm to Olson-Kennedy’s statement, British journalist Douglas Murray, asked: “Are people like blocks of Lego onto which new pieces can be stuck, taken off and replaced again at will?”

Not yet, but perhaps that is the longing upon which trans extremism plays. Increasingly the objective is to abolish the boundaries of the body altogether, to liberate the human spirit and let it mold the flesh as it chooses. This is what critic Mary Harrington calls “biolibertarianism”: the aspiration to remove bodily constraints, to turn our physical form into a set of customizable parts that can be interchanged or reshaped. Harrington notes an anonymous 2018 paper, Gender Acceleration, which argues that surgical transition from male to female “breaks [a] lucky few free from the horrid curse of being human.” A woman who goes by the handle “whorecress” expressed a very similar attitude in a video that went viral on TikTok: “I’m not body-positive,” she declared, “I’m not body-neutral. I’m body-negative. I wanna be vapor. Or like, a plume of blue smoke. Or mist. Or a rumor—I’d be a rumor… ’cause like, gender? Humiliating. An ache, a pain? Needing to sit down? Spatial awareness? The vulgarity…. Every day I wake up and I’m subject to the burden of embodiment. How dare I be a shape? Disgusting.”

Obviously this monologue was delivered with a certain irony. But like all successful humor, it articulated a real sentiment that the online audience connected with. Whorecress’s cri de coeur against embodiment featured on a Reddit discussion thread called r/voidpunk, which “is a subculture for those who often feel rejected or disconnected from humanity” and prefer to associate themselves with a more spectral or robotic form of life. r/voidpunk has 21,600 subscribers as of this writing, but the trend is much bigger than that: “transhumanism” is a growing movement among technologists, many of whom imagine a future where gene editing, virtual reality, and bionic enhancement render us free from the limitations of physical existence. This is the modern culmination of our extreme body crisis.

The connection between transgenderism and transhumanism is made explicit by transgender activist and scientist Martine Rothblatt. Rothblatt’s book, From Transgender to Transhuman: A Manifesto on the Freedom of Form, argues expressly that gender transition is just the beginning:

I am convinced that laws classifying people as either male or female, and laws prohibiting people’s freedom based on their genitals, will become as obsolete in the twenty-first century as the religious edicts of the Middle Ages seem absurd in America today…. Over the next few decades we will witness the uploading of human minds into software and computer systems, and the birth of brand new human minds as information technology. As we see our selves and our loved ones in these transhuman beings, and they make us laugh and cry, we will not hesitate long to recognize their humanity with citizenship and their common cause with us in a new common species, Persona creatus (the “created person”).

And so the most cutting-edge current expression of the body crisis is not the hormone injection but the digital avatar: pick and choose how you will move through imagined digital space. The movement that began with “gender neutral” pronouns has now produced an enormous constellation of totally invented identities, going far beyond ze and zer to include neologisms like “pupself” and “demonself,” for those who identify spiritually as animals or demons. What’s going on here is bigger than gender: we are dreaming not simply of making men into women, and vice versa, but making ourselves into anything, at a whim.

Desire and Happiness

“Gender? Humiliating.” Whorecress was on to something. “How dare I be a shape? Disgusting.” There is the body crisis in a nutshell.

And yet we can’t escape the body except at a great and terrible cost. Much like virtual reality and online life, transhumanism holds out glittering promises on which it is singularly ill-equipped to deliver. It’s not just that sex-change technology currently comes with gruesome risks and lifelong complications. Even if we imagine that rearranging or reconstructing body parts becomes painlessly easy, will it make us happy? What will “happy” even mean? Already Andrea Long Chu, a major transgender writer, has emphasized that happiness is not the point: “My new vagina won’t make me happy,” Chu wrote in the New York Times, “and it shouldn’t have to.” This is because “desire and happiness are independent agents.” Really? If our desires have no governing aim, such as happiness or virtue, what is the use of them—or us—at all? Surely we follow our desires because they point us toward something desirable—if not, we are just aimless hunks of flesh pulled randomly in all directions by wants that have no connection to goodness or joy. This total dissolution of purpose would be one of the real wages of transhumanism, were it ever to become reality.

If we become fully free from the constraints of physical form, if we even develop the technology to “feel” whatever we want, then we really will become nothing more than the chemistry sets that the crudest materialists imagine us to be: joy will be an electro-chemical occurrence, unrelated to any objective excellence or achievement. In our effort to liberate our spirits from our bodies, we will make our spirits and our very consciousness into the mere mechanical illusion that machinists already imagine it to be. Dissolve the boundaries of your body and you dissolve the boundaries of yourself. If you feel an instinctive disgust at this dystopian futuristic prospect, it is because you have a felt intuition of what we really are.

We can have compassion for gender dysphoric people without making them the central ideal of all our aspirations. Without a trace of malice toward them, we may observe that the measures they take to transform their bodies are not steps in a direction we find particularly attractive or healthy. Treating the body like an endlessly permeable and cumbersome appendage is just as degrading as ignoring it in favor of constant online entertainment, and for the same reasons. Both are means of seeking escape from our physical forms, and both promise liberation while actually leaving us sick, remorseful, and listless. We have indulged for too long in the vague fantasy that if these kinds of life are pushed to the extreme, they will suddenly become fulfilling—that if we just proceed down this path that is currently making us sick and miserable, we will eventually be happy and free. This, as always, is a dubious proposition.

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This article was published by The American Mind and is reproduced with permission.

Study Shows Government’s Family Leave Mandates Have Thwarted Women’s Wage Gains thumbnail

Study Shows Government’s Family Leave Mandates Have Thwarted Women’s Wage Gains

By Rachel Greszler

Men and women alike should be able to take time off from work for family and medical needs without the risk of losing their jobs. Unfortunately, when policymakers turn something that should be voluntarily offered by employers into a rigid legal mandate, unintended consequences ensue.

In the case of family and medical leave laws in the U.S., a recent economic study found that those laws have led to lower relative wages for women and thwarted the convergence of women’s wages relative to men’s.

In the decade prior to the passage of the Family Medical Leave Act in 1993—a federal law that guarantees 12 weeks of unpaid, job-protected family or medical leave to workers in companies with 50 or more employees—white women’s wages had been converging relative to white men’s at a rate of 0.70 percentage points per year.

In the decade after passage of the FMLA, the rate of convergence fell to 0.03 percentage points. The rate of convergence for black women to white men fell from 0.30 percentage points per year prior to passage of the FMLA to 0.05 percentage points after.

It’s important to note that the raw, so-called gender wage gap—which claims that women made only 82 cents on the dollar compared to men in 2021—is not a scientific metric because it simply compares the wages of all full-time women to all full-time men. After factoring in observable characteristics like occupation, experience, and education, the so-called gap shrinks considerably.

After accounting for changes in such observable characteristics, however, the study authors found that “the introduction of [family leave laws] can explain 94% of the reduction in the rate of gender wage convergence that is unaccounted for after controlling for changes in observable characteristics of workers.”

The authors estimated that “if gender wage convergence had continued at the pre-family leave rate, wage parity between white women and white men would have been achieved as early as 2017.”

These findings were based not only on the introduction of the federal FMLA, but more precisely by comparing wage convergences in 12 states that enacted family leave laws prior to the federal FMLA to convergences in states that did not enact such laws.

This study confirms the basic economic principle that there is no such thing as a free lunch, meaning that with any supposed government-created benefit, there are trade-offs. And it demonstrates the impossibility of providing flexibility to employees and their employers via one-size-fits-all government mandates.

That’s an important lesson for policymakers who, understandably, want to help more Americans benefit from access to paid family and medical leave. If laws that mandate access for some workers to unpaid family and medical leave end up hurting women’s wages, how many more unintended consequences could ensue from laws that impose paid leave mandates or create new government entitlements?

Fortunately, inertia—more aptly, the free market working as it should to reflect workers’ desires—is on our side. Between 2016 and 2021, the percentage of private sector workers who have access to paid family and medical leave increased 77%.

That figure will undoubtedly continue to grow, but government mandates could thwart its rise and cause many other unintended consequences.

Employer-provided paid family leave programs can always be more flexible and responsive to the needs of employees than one-size-fits-all government programs that must establish strict rules, rigid eligibility criteria, and immovable benefits.

And while the vast majority of employers know the value their workers contribute and see them as fellow humans who need time off for personal family and medical reasons, government programs managed by bureaucrats can only know applicants as claimant numbers with leave requests expressed through leave codes.

Additionally, state government-run paid family leave programs—which impose taxes on workers and/or employers to fund government benefits—also crowd out more flexible employer-provided programs because employers who may otherwise have implemented a program are unlikely to add one if they or their workers are already forced to pay into a government plan.

Further, as has already happened in states that have government paid-leave programs, employers that do provide their own programs will typically require their workers to first jump through hoops to get what they can from the government program before they can receive their employer’s benefits.

That could include waiting weeks or months to find out if a worker is eligible to take leave, requiring employees to submit loads of paperwork and receive doctors’ sign-offs, not allowing employees to take unexpected leave, and workers having to pay back government benefits they received if they answer an email or respond to a pressing work need while on leave.

Despite their intent, government-paid family leave programs are regressive. They tax everyone but predominantly benefit middle- and upper-income families. In California, for example, fewer than 4% of claims went to workers in the lowest-income bracket while nearly 21% went to workers in the highest-income bracket.

And government programs are costly. A Congressional Budget Office analysis of Democrats’ proposed Family and Medical Leave Insurance Act found that it would create yet another unfunded entitlement program, with costs exploding to 240% of the program’s revenues within just six years and necessitating about $700 a year in new taxes for the median household. And that’s for a program that would cover only 42% of workers’ paid family leave needs.

Paid family leave is something Americans want, but not with the costs and consequences that federal programs and mandates entail.

Instead, policymakers should help expand access to paid family leave through policies that make it easier and more economically feasible for private employers to offer their own programs. They can do that by passing legislation such as the Working Families Flexibility Act, by enacting Universal Savings Accounts, and by removing costly and unnecessary regulations so that employers have more resources to provide paid family leave that’s better tailored to their businesses and to their employees’ needs.

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This article was published by The Daily Signal and is reproduced with permission.

WEF Is Partnered with 47 CCP-Controlled Entities (Rogue Review) thumbnail

WEF Is Partnered with 47 CCP-Controlled Entities (Rogue Review)

By Catherine Salgado

The World Economic Forum, which plans a world where you “own nothing, have no privacy” and enjoy it, is officially partnered with at least 47 Chinese entities, with five of those officially owned by the CCP and at least three others directly tied to the CCP. Since all companies in China are directly answerable to the genocidal, authoritarian Chinese Communist Party (CCP), however, that means that WEF is partnered with the CCP even as it runs its tyrannical, murderous regime. I guess that’s why Chinese state propaganda was so excited to make more “friends” at WEF’s Davos 2023 conference (Jan. 16-20) and uphold the “dazzling” “Davos Spirit.”

The CCP is the greatest mass murderer in history. It also runs a terrible censorship regime, keeps its people in poverty, runs internment and forced labor camps, committed a Tiananmen 2.0 massacre against the recent anti-regime protestors, and is still committing ethnic-based genocide.

In China, all companies are directly answerable to the Chinese government and the major ones have government employees planted in their buildings. Furthermore, as I reported for Media Research Center, “China practices ‘civil-military fusion,’ where everything in the economic and tech spheres is accessible to the Chinese military.” That means any company in China, whether it is officially state-owned or not, is required to give any information to the CCP—and the CCP military—at any time.

The main point is that when WEF partners with Chinese companies, particularly with state-owned companies, it is knowingly partnering with branches or satellites of the worst genocidal, tyrannical regime in world history.

WEF’s Chinese partners include China Huaneng Group (which is explicitly listed as “state-owned”), Bank of China (“wholly state-owned”), China Merchants Group (CMG—also state-owned), Guangzhou Automobile Group (“state-owned”), State Grid Corporation of China (“a pilot state holding company”), Tencent Holdings (has many and deep ties to the CCP), TikTok (owned by ByteDance, in which the CCP has a board seat and financial stake), and Hong Kong Airport Authority (under the authority of the Hong Kong Government, which is totally controlled by the CCP).

What benefit is WEF getting from the mass murdering CCP that makes it so committed to its 47 CCP-controlled partners?

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This article was published by Pro Deo et Libertate and is reproduced with permission.

SHEILA NAZARIAN: It’s Time For Jews To Take Advantage Of The Second Amendment thumbnail

SHEILA NAZARIAN: It’s Time For Jews To Take Advantage Of The Second Amendment

By Sheila Nazarian

If you are Jewish and live in America, now is the time to carry a firearm. Thanks to a recent National Rifle Association victory in NYSRPA v. Bruen, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the Second Amendment protects our right, any law-abiding American’s right, a Jew’s right to carry a handgun for self-defense outside our homes.

God willing, we will never have to use our guns. But just in case, we should be armed.

A few years ago, I was sitting in a lecture hall, watching a Holocaust survivor tell her heartbreaking story. I vividly remember one thing she told the audience.

“Arm yourselves,” she said, making eye contact with us. “In Germany, they took away our guns. It was the first step. Get as many guns and as much ammunition as you can.”

I wasn’t a gun owner. I hadn’t ever considered it. We were in America, which, at the time, seemed much safer than my homeland, Iran. I had to escape Iran after the Revolution. Iranian border guards shot at our getaway vehicle as we crossed the border into Pakistan, and I will never forget feeling so defenseless.

I thought I would be safe in Los Angeles. But that all changed once I experienced the crime crisis over the past few years. I started receiving death threats on social media because I posted my political opinions and am very publicly a proud Jewish woman. People don’t like me for being outspoken, and there are a lot of antisemites online. I thought I escaped that when I left Iran, but antisemitism is a societal disease that will never disappear.

Once the Tree of Life massacre and other shootings in Jewish communities happened, and I saw graffiti in Beverly Hills during protests saying “Kill the rich,” I knew that I couldn’t rely on the government to protect me.

I decided to take my self-defense into my own hands. I purchased a firearm, received training from an NRA Certified Firearm Instructor, and applied for a concealed carry weapons license (CCW) in California. This license will allow me to defend myself, my family, and my community.

“An estimated 6 million American adults carried a loaded handgun with them daily in 2019, double the number who said they carried a gun every day in 2015,” The Guardian reported, citing an American Journal of Public Health study.

Antisemitism is coming at us from all sides. “The Jews” and “Jewish people” are constantly trending on Twitter. The hateful rhetoric is disgusting. The worst appears on message boards like 4chan and 8chan, which spread conspiracy theories, lies from “The Protocols of the Elders of Zion,” and vile memes of our people.

Antisemites aren’t just posting conspiracies. They believe them. Some even act violently against us and want us dead – like the Tree of Life murderer. I will not go into a synagogue unless it has armed security. Evil monsters target Jews and innocent people of all religions. We are seen as weak. To them, we are easy targets as we are in our place of worship.

According to a 2020 Pew Research Center study, 71% of U.S. Jews lean toward the Democratic Party, which tends to support restrictive gun policy. So it makes sense that Jews have the lowest rate of gun ownership among all religious groups. But if we in the Jewish community know we are frequent targets, why do we support politicians and laws that make it harder to defend ourselves?

After the Holocaust, we knew that “Never Again” meant not only remembering what happened to the Jews who were murdered but also making sure that we had a strong homeland and military in Israel. We had to ensure that a haven would be available when needed. The times of assimilating in the diaspora and thinking we would be okay are gone. We have to be strong and outspoken, as that is the only thing have gone well for us. The Jewish community in America needs to take a cue from Israel.

In our country, I’d like to think we have protection, but at the current rate, the current crime crisis has no end. Our country and cities have revolving-door criminal justice systems, no cash bail, and increased resistance to law enforcement. We need to look out for ourselves. That means exercising responsible gun ownership and fighting for our right to defend ourselves.

There are certainly going to be dark days ahead with this antisemitic trend. But we don’t have to be vulnerable, quiet, and afraid. Not anymore.

This article originally appeared in the Daily Caller.

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Anti-Semitism Worst Among Blacks and Young Adults in Poll Released Ahead of MLK Day

By Madeleine Hubbard

The two groups were far more likely than Republicans or conservatives to believe negative stereotypes about Jews.

Anti-Semitism is worst among black Americans and young adults aged 18-29, according to a new poll.

Three out of ten blacks agreed that “Jews still talk too much about what happened to them in the Holocaust,” compared to 15% of white Americans who agreed with the statement, according to a UMass Amherst Poll released Friday ahead of Martin Luther King Day.

Black Americans were the most likely demographic to agree with anti-Semitic stereotypes overall despite the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr.’s tireless work fighting in support of the Jews.

When asked whether “Jews have too much power in the business world,” 31% of black Americans agreed. Additionally, 29% of black Americans agreed that “Jews think they are better than other people.”

Democrats were slightly more likely than Republicans to harbor anti-Semitic views as well. While both groups were virtually tied on statements about the Holocaust and Jews in business, 17% of Democrats agreed that Jews think they are better compared to 15% of Republicans…..

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